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C. EDWARD HENRY
OPALESCENT GLASS WORKS
KOKOMO IND.
KOKOMO
OPALESCENT GLASS CO.
AN EARLY HISTORY
by Paul Crist
updated:1-5-98
??????????? The
Opalescent Glass Works at Kokomo, Indiana is the oldest manufactory of its kind
in America, having been in continuous operation now for more than 100
years.? The factory was originally built
in 1888 by a man named Charles Edward Henry, who was relocating his existing
stained glass manufacturing business from New Rochelle, New York.? Despite extensive research, Mr. Henry remains
an elusive figure and almost no information can be found on him before he moved
to Kokomo.[1]? All that is definitely known is that he was
born in Paris, France about 1846, and immigrated to the United States sometime
before 1883.[2]? Westchester County Directories confirm that
he did own a glass business in New Rochelle,[3]
but no other information on his activities there has come to
light.? While in New Rochelle, he was
apparently already associated in business with John B. Perraud of New York City,[4]
a manufacturer?s agent who would later represent the Opalescent Glass Works on
the East Coast.? Since Perraud was
listed in the NYC Directories during this period (?87 to?89) as being in the
button business, it is plausible that the New Rochelle factory was originally
set-up sometime in the mid-'80s to make opalescent glass rods for the pressing
of buttons and other small novelties.?
Regardless of what he did early on, we know that by the time Henry
left New Rochelle, opalescent sheet glass had already become his primary
product.[5]
??????????? Before
the discovery of natural gas there in 1886, Kokomo, Indiana was just an
unpretentious farming community, like myriad others spread all across the
mid-West.? In a singular stroke of good
fortune, however, this quiet town was instantly transformed into a beehive
ambition and greed.? Local businessmen,
having heard of the phenomenal industrial growth that followed similar
discoveries in Ohio and western Pennsylvania, were ecstatic with ?the certainty
of Kokomo becoming the manufacturing center of the great west.?[6]? The city fathers immediately established a
Board of Trade to finance land acquisitions and drill gas wells, commodities
that could then be offered free or at minimal cost to entice businesses into
relocating. ?Of course, all of Kokomo?s
neighbors that happened to also be located over the new field harbored these
same aspirations, and competition was fierce to see who could garner the lion?s
share of manufacturing concerns.? These
trophies were comprised mostly of established businesses that were being forced
to leave the East Coast by impinging population, high land values and rising
energy costs.? They came through town on
almost a daily basis, making the rounds to see who would make them the most
attractive offer.? The Kokomo press
crowed every time a new business was captured, and regularly published a score
card showing how they were faring against their closest rivals, Marion and
Muncie.
??????????? It
was at the height of this feeding frenzy that C. Edward Henry came into town on
his way back from a business trip to Chicago.?
He told the Board of Trade that he manufactured ?opalescent glass,
jewels, tiles, electric light globes, cathedral glass, rondels, and colored and
stained glass of all descriptions.?? On
Friday, April 27, 1888, the same day that Henry arrived, a proposal of a free
factory site and cheap gas rates was made and accepted.? The next day, an agreement was drawn up[7]
and a factory site selected.? Everything
happened so quickly that the city fathers certainly had no time to check
Henry?s credentials or business soundness, an act of naivete that would come
back to haunt them.? Henry departed
Kokomo, leaving assurances that the relocation would begin at once.? True to his word, he returned a month later,
purchased a home,[8] and by
mid-June had begun construction of an 80?x100? brick furnace hall and a number
of smaller buildings.[9]? Numerous delays followed but, by October, a
temporary gas line was warming-up the new seven-pot furnace,[10]
even though the buildings and on-site gas well were not yet completed.[11]
Actual glass production began on November 13, 1888.[12]
??????????? The
superintendent and chemist of the new factory was another Frenchman named Vital
B鬡rd, who had also moved out from New Rochelle that summer with his family.[13]? B鬡rd was later credited by a prominent
industry source as being ?the first manufacturer of opalescent glass in this
country, and in our estimation the best.?[14]? Earlier, in 1882, he had run a ?glass
design? business in Brooklyn at 60 Rutledge,[15]
the same address that John Dannenhoffer bought in September of that year to
house his new opalescent sheet glass works.?
This coincidence suggests that B鬡rd might have worked with
Dannenhoffer in the beginning, thereby gaining the experience that justified
his subsequent reputation.[16]? In this context, it is certainly safe to
assume that he went on to superintend Henry?s New Rochelle factory and was
responsible for the glass produced there.?
Even though the business in Kokomo was legally owned by Henry, there
seemed to be a tacit understanding that B鬡rd was his ?silent and experienced
partner.?[17]
??????????? Although
sheet glass would be their primary product, the factory actually devoted their
first few days in operation to the pressing of electric insulators.[18]? These were made under an open-ended contract
with Edison General Electric which allowed any available glass to be used, and
guaranteed that Edison would take all that they could produce.? In good times, this arrangement afforded the
Kokomo factory an opportunity to make use of the leftover glass in the bottoms
of the pots[19] and, in
bad, the means to get some return from full pots of otherwise unusable
glass.? Certainly, in starting up, there
would have been a lot of bad glass to account for their initial insulator
production.? Even after production was
running smoothly, this contract surely must have come in handy from time to
time in a business as risky as colored opalescent glass.? Both color and opalescence in glass had been
introduced only fairly recently by American glassmakers, and their chemistry
and control were not yet well understood.?
There was almost no technical literature published on either
subject.? Formulas and processes tended
to be closely-held secrets, and each manufacturer was left to work out the
problems of producing a consistent and saleable product on his own.? If the opalescence didn?t ?strike? properly
that day, or the color wasn?t close enough to what their samples exhibited, a
whole day?s production might be lost.?
Electric insulators gave the Kokomo factory a profitable way to use up
defective glass and keep the workmen busy.?
Understandably, they kept up a steady business with Edison until 1896,[20]
by which time the mechanization of glass melting and pressing had made prices
so cheap that, even as a ?waste? business, the hand pressing of insulators was
unprofitable.
??????????? Within
days after start-up, the technical problems had been worked out to the point
where the factory was able to switch over to the rolling of opalescent sheet
glass.? An early production journal in
the archives of KOGC documents that the first order was made on Nov. 16, 1888
for Tiffany Glass Co.; six cases (600 lbs.) of mixed blue/white opalescent
glass.? Scrutiny of journal entries for
the first months of production reveals that Henry began making glass in Kokomo
with at least 93 separate stock color combinations already in his repertoire,
including gold ruby, ripple and drapery glass?all offered in a variety of
densities.? His biggest customers during
this start-up period were Tiffany, Decorative Stained Glass (LaFarge), George
Androvette, McCully & Miles and Flanagan & Biedenweg--in short, many of
the most respected studios in the country.?
This leaves little doubt that Henry was already well established in the
opalescent sheet glass business before he moved to Kokomo.
At the time of
Henry?s move, the domestic stained sheet glass business was still in its
infancy.? There were only five other
significant manufacturers in the United States:[21]
Louis Heidt (1879) and John Dannelhoffer (1882), both in Brooklyn; the Boston
Antique Glass Co. (1883) in South Boston; Mississippi (1884) in St. Louis and
Streator Art Glass Co. (1887) in Streator, IL.?
Of these, Mississippi and Streator made only cathedral glass.? Among the three opalescent manufacturers,[22]
the Boston concern was a very small and sporadic one that made only specialized
crown glass, mostly for local studios.?
In Brooklyn, Heidt had been under long-term contract with Tiffany since
1881, an arrangement that at least partially restrained his freedom to sell to
other studios.? This left Dannenhoffer
as the principal supplier to the bulk of the stained glass trade.? During the first years of the movement, the
market had been a limited one,[23]
centering mostly on the founders, Tiffany and LaFarge and their prot駩s, in
New York.? But by the late ?80s, the
popularity of opalescent glass windows had not only grown tremendously on the
Eastern seaboard, but also spread west to the new metropolises on the other
side of the Appalachians. ?It was in
mid-western cities like Chicago, Pittsburgh, St. Louis and Cleveland that the
vast majority of new construction was occurring and so it was there that
increasingly larger quantities of opalescent glass were being consumed.? Certainly, this growing demand, as well as
lower production costs, influenced Henry?s decision to move to Kokomo.? In 1888, he was the only opalescent
manufacturer west of the Appalachians[24]
and, as such, was able to quickly garner the lion?s share of the western
market.
??????????? The
Kokomo factory was kept busy with orders into the summer of ?89, by which time
they had increased their list of stock color combinations to over one hundred.[25]? Even ?working to full capacity?[26]
with a force of fifty men,[27]
they had to extend their working season several weeks beyond the normal Fourth
of July shutdown for the summer.[28]? Analysis of their sales for these first
eight months, as recorded in the Early Journal, shows that roughly 60% of their
business came from the Midwest, and the biggest part of this was with the
Chicago studios.? Regional customers
frequently traveled to the factory to personally select their glass.? The balance of the business on the eastern
seaboard was handled by Perraud, who was their exclusive agent there.[29]? Perraud stocked a sizeable inventory of
glass in Manhattan, which was consigned to him by the Kokomo factory.? For handling this business, he received a
hefty 20% commission!? Almost all of the
East Coast studios bought glass from Perraud?s inventory, and big customers, such
as Tiffany and J&R Lamb, also had large orders shipped directly from the
factory.? Glass was sold by the pound,
with common mixes priced at 8? a pound, all the way up to solid gold ruby
drapery, which sold for about $1.00 a pound.?
Better customers were always given a discount, and Tiffany, the shrewd
businessman, received the biggest discount of anyone, paying from 5 to 6? a
pound for common mixes.[30]? It does not appear that the glass was
discounted as much to mid-western customers, which is understandable,
considering that all of Henry?s competition was east of the Appalachians.
??????????? Sometime
early in ?89, Henry sent thirty full sheets of his opalescent glass to Paris
for display at the Exposition Universelle of that year.? Unfortunately, there was significant
breakage in transit and only fourteen were left for display.[31]? Prominent among these was a mixed sheet in
red, white and blue (the national colors!) of which he was particularly proud.[32]? In July, he received word that his glass was
a big success in Paris,[33]and
the following month learned that he had won a Gold Medal.[34]? Henry boasted to the local press that his
?European agent? had already secured orders totaling $50,000 ($1,400,000 in
1997$, which is hard to believe!).[35]? Flushed with the prospect of imminent
success, he immediately set about doubling production capacity to sixteen pots,
and even planned to add another building in the coming spring.[36]? After scheduling deliveries to his new
European customers,[37]
he set off for Paris in late August to gather his laurels.
??????????? With
Henry gone, B鬡rd was left behind to run the factory and to deal with the
deluge of orders that were starting to pour in.? The foreign demand proved to be so strong that it soon
overwhelmed their production capacities.?
At one point, there were three railroad cars parked on their siding,
simultaneously being loaded for customers in San Francisco, New York and
Paris.? In the factory office, B鬡rd
set up a homemade display of duplicates of the thirty sheets that won the Gold
Medal.? This attracted a lot of
attention from customers and locals alike and gave everyone at the factory a
chance to show off. When official notification of the Gold Medal arrived on
October 4, B鬡rd arranged a banquet for the workers and Saturday afternoon was
spent ?in rejoicing over the victory won by the products of their hands.?[38]
??????????? Unfortunately,
when Henry returned from Europe later that month, he found the business in some
financial difficulty.? According to
later court records, he still owed almost all of a $3800.00 bill from William
Morgan, the contractor who had erected his factory buildings, in addition to a
number of smaller bills.[39]? Morgan had heard about his business trip,
his expansion plans and other stories of ?princely money spending? that were
circulating, and, understandably, was demanding his money.? Before leaving for Paris, Henry had already
borrowed $1000.00 from the bank, which he probably needed to finance his
furnace expansion and his European trip.?
In the months following his return, he was forced to continue borrowing
until, by December, the loan had grown to $6000.00.[40]? To secure this large an amount, Henry was
required by the bank to mortgage the business and all of his stock in it.[41]? What is surprising is that it appears none
of this borrowed money was used to satisfy Morgan?s bill.? What Henry did with it remains a
mystery.? Needless to say, Morgan was
furious and, on January 10, 1890, filed a Mechanic?s Lien against Henry.[42]? Believing that foreclosure was imminent,
Henry took the questionable step of selling the entire assets of his business
(land, structures, equipment and inventory) to B鬡rd on Jan. 29, 1890, for the
sum of $1.00.[43]? Three days later, he married B鬡rd?s
daughter, Hedgwige,[44]
who was more than twenty years his junior.[45]? Whether this was an act of true love or
another desperate legal maneuver is anybody?s guess.
??????????? The
Henry/B鬡rd marriage celebration, which took place in the furnace hall of the
factory, was by all accounts a gala affair, replete with ?big tables loaded with
choice viands,? elaborate wedding gifts and warm testimonials.? Perraud came in from New York[46]
and all of the employees were given the day off with pay.[47]? In the midst of this celebration, there was
no mention of Henry?s precarious situation, but it still must have weighed
heavily on the father of the bride.?
B鬡rd had been aware of a disturbing change in Henry?s personality
since July of the previous year.? He
later recalled that, at about the same time Henry received notice of his
success in Paris, he began to get the idea that he was wealthy and subsequently
became ?very profligate in his expenditures.??
Henry had always been driven by a desire to become rich, but the Paris
news seemed to push his obsession over the line into delusion.? During the ensuing months before the
wedding, he also began to drink heavily and to lie.? His disposition became increasingly restless and obstreperous,
with occasional episodes of violence and destructiveness.[48]? In the face of this behavior, it is
surprising that B鬡rd would have allowed his daughter to marry Henry.? A likely explanation is that he saw Henry?s
demise coming and was only using the marriage to substantiate his claim to the
business.
??????????? Despite
Henry?s (and/or B鬡rd?s) efforts, Morgan succeeded in having the Opalescent
Glass Works placed into receivership on March 11, 1890.? The court appointed Richard Ruddell, a local
banker,[49]
as receiver, which meant that he took over the running of the business from
Henry, until a decision could be reached on how to best satisfy the debts.[50]? How Henry had managed to practically
bankrupt his company in less than 16 months, despite significant financial
support from Kokomo interests and a ready market for his product, is difficult
to comprehend.? A report to the Court by
Ruddell describing the state of the business when he took control sheds some
light on this mystery.? Ruddell reported
that it ?was in bad condition and being operated at a loss. ?The credit of the
business was almost destroyed, and the patronage was limited and not of a good
class of businessmen, and the bills owing the business were worth but a small
percent on the dollar.?[51]? Although the extent of Henry?s receivables
is unknown, it must have been appreciable.?
His primary customer, the stained glass studio, was often a
low-investment, trendy business that would tend to attract more than its share
of owners who were ?not of a good class.??
That Henry apparently allowed too many of these customers to take
advantage of him suggests a personality that was overly trusting and
indulgent.? His business arrangement
with his old friend, Perraud,[52]? was certainly generous.? So was his relationship with his employees,
whom, the press reported, he often overpaid.[53]? In the wake of losing his business, Henry?s
reputation about town was that he ?was very extravagant, indulging his insane
notions of princely money spending to the fullest.?[54]? To a man with grandiose delusions, the
sudden loss of prestige must have been a devastating blow from which, as
subsequent events showed, he was unable to recover.
??????????? The
day after his company went into receivership, the local press reported that
Henry had conveniently ?received a cablegram announcing the alarming illness of
his mother in Paris,? and that he was departing for Europe that same day.[55]? When he returned six weeks later, his mother
?fully restored to health,?[56]? it was amid rumors questioning whether he
had actually even gone to Paris.? The
next week, on April 24, the Kokomo Dispatch reported on page 1 that Henry had
been thrown in jail by his wife due to violent behavior.? The article went on to disclose his drinking
problem and noted that he had been ?dissipating heavily? for some time.? Now that he was back from his mysterious
trip, ?the indications of mental derangement [were] more pronounced than ever.?[57]? Nevertheless, a physician?s examination
found ?no clear symptoms of insanity,? so Henry was released from custody with
the recommendation that he take a ?forced abstention? from alcohol.? The very next day ?he was at the Clinton Hotel
writing checks for fabulous sums of money to be given to various persons.? He imagined that he had purchased Plate
Glass works, and had a check drawn in favor of Mr. Seiberling for $50,000,000.? He had also purchased the entire city.?? There was no question now about his sanity,
so Henry was again arrested, despite his ?stout resistance.?[58]? A few days later, on April 28, he was hauled
off by the sheriff to the Indianapolis Insane Asylum, ?laboring under the
delusive notion that he was going to Indianapolis to hire attorneys to bring
action against the officials here for false imprisonment.?[59]? Henry was admitted into the custody of that
institution and never released.? He died
there two years later at the age of 46.[60]
??????????? Meanwhile,
the new Receiver was faced with a daunting task.? Liens had been filed by additional creditors (including the bank)
which raised the total indebtedness of Opalescent Glass Works to over $12,000.[61]? The employees, who had not been paid in a
while, were frightened and mutinous.?
Ruddell was forced immediately obtain a loan of $1200.00 to pay their
back wages and rebuild the aging furnaces.[62]? He retained B鬡rd as superintendent and
chemist, not only because he was the only one who knew how to run the plant,
but also because he seemed to have an excellent rapport with the workmen.? The factory was soon back in production
making electric insulators, for which they had secured a ?large special
contract? from Edison General Electric.[63]? They also continued the manufacture of
stained glass, but dropped some of the more difficult products, such as gold
ruby and drapery glass.
??????????? Early
on, it became apparent to Ruddell that he and B鬡rd could not run the business
successfully by themselves.? B鬡rd was
exclusively an inside production man, good at the technology and art of making
fine glass, but poor at managing the plant and dealing with the customers.? Ruddell was altogether unfamiliar with this
line of business, so, within a few months after taking over, he decided to
bring in an experienced glass man.[64]? Jerome M. Francois was born in Northern
France in 1850 and immigrated to the US in 1868.? Settling in Brooklyn, he quickly found employment with a large
glass manufacturing firm called Hibbler & Dorflinger.? For the next 18 years, he worked his way up
through the ranks there, starting as a glass packer[65]
and ending-up as manager.[66]? Since Hibbler?s commercial production
included no opalescent ware and only rudimentary colored glass, his experience
there would have contributed little in terms of product knowledge.[67]? However, as the new production manager at
Kokomo, he is said to have brought ?wide experience? and ?first class business
qualifications? to the Opalescent Glass Works.?
Working under Ruddell, he ?was of vast assistance? not only in the management
of the works, but in direction of outside affairs, in which his advice was
often sought.?? He also spent much of his time traveling for the company,
becoming thoroughly acquainted with the market.[68]? Apparently, this and other management
decisions by Ruddell were good ones because, during the year and a half that he
was in charge, the Opalescent Glass Works prospered.? For the first ten months in receivership, the business was
reported to have netted over $10,000 in profits![69]
??????????? Even
though business under the Receiver was successful, it certainly was not without
problems.? For example, in June of 1891,
Perraud wrote to the Kokomo factory that he had received a boxcar load of glass
from them and was dismayed to notice that it ?rattle[d] terribly.?? Opening the first case, he discovered
?terrible breakage,? a finding that was further substantiated with every one of
the eighty-one cases he personally inspected.?
?The only cause I can see is that the sheets are terribly bent and
crooked, and in fact in all I took out, I did not find one straight or flat
sheet.?? He apologized for complaining,
but fretted that the customers, who had been anxiously awaiting the arrival of
the glass, might be upset.? Sure enough,
the first customer, Mr. Lamb of J. & R. Lamb, noticed the problem right
away, and astutely observed that ?it would be difficult to lay [the sheets] on
the table to cut without breaking and that it would
be impossible to re-plate [i.e., double-layer] the glass.?[70]? Perraud worked hard to dispose of the broken
bits and pieces to his smaller, economy-minded customers, and, in his letters,
patted himself on the back every time he managed to sell some for 4 or 5?a
pound.
??????????? It
should be pointed out that problems of warpage and breakage were certainly not
unique to Kokomo at this time.? On its
face, opalescent sheet glass would seem to be a simple product to manufacture;
a flat sheet that didn?t need to be consistent or ?perfect,? because it was
going to be cut up into small pieces anyway.?
In fact, it was often a sheet?s very imperfections and irregularities
that stained glass artists valued most highly.?
However, behind the manufacture of this unassuming form lay some tricky
technical problems.? A flat, thin sheet
is one of the most unstable forms that glass can assume.? With its high expansion coefficient and
temperamental annealing qualities, glass is much more comfortable in spherical
forms that tolerate the residual stress left over from less-than-perfect
cooling procedures.? A sheet of glass,
especially a thin one, is far more vulnerable to stress.? From the moment it is formed under the
roller up to the point where it finally cools to room temperature, the glass
must pass through a series of strictly controlled temperature
environments.? Any mistake in this
annealing process might result in sheets that are bent, broken or so stressed
that subsequent breakage is inevitable.?
These already daunting problems were compounded by the need to mix
different glasses.? Diverse compositions
of highly colored and opalescent glasses had to be juxtaposed with one another
in the sheet, and if the expansion coefficients of the different components
weren?t within a few points of each other, destructive stresses would
result.? To the early American stained
glass manufacturers who were still struggling with the chemistry of color and
opalescence, these added technical pitfalls must have been extremely
frustrating.? Failures were the rule
rather than the exception.? Sheet sizes
were kept small to minimize breakage,[71]
but even then the artists still had to put up with an extremely delicate and
temperamental product.? By the time
Kokomo entered the arena much progress had been made, but opalescent sheet
glass was still a fragile and stubborn material to handle.? The pioneering Brooklyn manufacturers had
built their businesses on a mostly local trade that came to the factory to
select glass.? Kokomo, however, was
located far from its customer base, and the bulk of their glass had to be
packed and shipped by rail.? As a
consequence, the problem of breakage was far more serious for them, and must
have been a constant headache.
??????????? In
June of 1891, the court decided it was time to sell the business in order to
satisfy the creditors.? However, since
Henry was in the insane asylum and incompetent to relinquish ownership himself,
the court found it necessary to first appoint Ruddell as his legal guardian.[72]? This cleared the way for the sale, which was
duly ordered the next month[73]
and took place in private on Aug. 28, 1891.?
The business was purchased by three ?Kokomo capitalists,? Peter E. Hoss
(a large landowner), William E. Blacklidge (a prominent lawyer) and John W.
Learner.? They paid $5310.00 in total,
with one third down ($1770.00) and the balance of two equal payments due six
and twelve months later.[74]? The new owners believed that ?there is big
money in the manufacture of opalescent and cathedral glass, and?.are going in
for all there is in it?.[75]? Viewing things from this perspective, they
must have been more impressed with Francois? business skills than B鬡rd?s
artistic ones, and figured they could do without the latter?s services.? Despite his maneuvers, B鬡rd had already
been denied any ownership interest or financial compensation by the court, and
was now on the verge of being booted out of the business entirely.? He fought with passionate indignation to
convince the new owners that they would ?find themselves with an elephant on
their hands? if they did not retain his services.? He also threatened to start up his own business in opposition.? His arguments and Francois? prosaic response
were reported with delight by the local press.[76]? B鬡rd claimed that ?the mixing of the
colors [was] a secret, known to but a limited number of men in the entire world
and to but one or two men at the most in America.?? He, of course, included himself among the select few.? Francois countered by pointing out that
there were actually ?five factories [in America],[77]
each making the same kind of glass, and each, of course, with a man capable of
mixing the colors.? The process is in a
manner a secret, yes; but it is not the property of nearly so limited a number
of men as is popularly supposed.? I know
of nine competent mixers of colors in this country?.?? He concluded that, ??I think I can mix all the colors in ordinary
demand.?? B鬡rd conceded that it was,
in one sense, no secret, since there were indeed books of formulas for colored
glass.? However, making glass from a
formula was like trying to make pate de
foie gras from a cookbook.? ?You get
the glass, yes, and the colors, yes.?
But what are they?? Dead, like
the pate tastes- no life, no warmth
in them.? The glass painter will not
have them.? They do not sell.?? The making of good glass, he added, ?takes a
long life sometimes to know how.? The Kokomo capitalists, who had probably
never tasted pate de foie gras, were
not impressed or intimidated.? They
declined to retain him.? B鬡rd
stubbornly continued to pursue his case in court, but was finally rejected
there too.[78]
??????????? Meanwhile,
the new owners of the OGW, immediately went to work putting the factory back in
order.? They bought the inventory of raw
materials that were not included in the Aug. 28 sale.? They also retained Francois as the new superintendent and gave
him B鬡rd?s old job of mixing the colors, a decision, which effectively
empowered him to ?direct the destinies of the new company so far as the
mechanical part of the business is concerned.??
Francois hired back most of the old workforce and implemented needed
repairs.[79]? On Sept. 3, he and Hoss left on a business
trip to visit Kokomo customers in eastern cities, undoubtedly to give the new
owners a feel for the market.[80]? Within short order, the factory was back in
production and running smoothly.? The
reborn ?Opalescent Glass Works? was officially incorporated on Jan. 2, 1892,
with the three purchasers plus Francois and Isaac Wright comprising the Board
of Directors.[81]
??????????? The
new owners also opted to retain Perraud as their exclusive East Coast agent,
despite his high commission and close relationship with the old
management.? Practically, they had no
choice because, of all their markets, the New York Studios were the pickiest
and most difficult to deal with.?
Perraud?s experience there would have been impossible for the fledgling
company to replace on short notice, and it would have been reckless to tamper
with such an important market so soon.?
Despite their own startup difficulties back home, the management did
what it could to support him in New York.?
Immediately after taking over, they financed his move to a more
centrally located warehouse,[82]
and then made an effort to supply him with as much inventory as they could
spare.
??????????? For
his part, Perraud worked diligently on behalf of the Opalescent Glass
Works.? His many letters to the factory
during this period afford us a unique window on the stained glass market of the
early 90?s.? They reveal that he
regularly made the rounds of the New York and Brooklyn studios, and also
frequently went on road trips to the other metropolitan markets, particularly
Boston and Philadelphia.? In this way he
kept the home company well apprised of what was going on in the industry on the
East Coast, and how their competitors, Heidt and Dannenhoffer, were doing.? Perraud?s major asset was handling of the
customers, with whom he seems to have had an especially good rapport.? He was on friendly terms with all of the
studios in town, and they visited him regularly to purchase glass or just see
what new stock had come in.? Whenever
there was a problem with payment or a complaint about breakage, Perraud was
there to take care of it.? His value to
the company was especially apparent in his dealings with Tiffany, his largest
and most difficult customer.? The bureaucracy
there, who must have tried his skill and patience, is evidenced in many of his
letters.? For example, in one instance
he reported:
?I?ve
seen Mr. Mitchell of Tiffany, and asked him if he wanted me to sent their goods
direct from the R.R. depot.? Mr.
Mitchell told me I?ve [got] to see Mr. Platt about it first; he did not know
anything about the order, Mr. Platt was absent from New York at the time.? He only came back last Thursday.? Mr. Platt told me the order was given in
this way: After arrival of goods and inspection of same, and should they give
satisfaction, the order would be confirmed, and if they don?t take 105 cases,
they will pay 6?/lb?.After waiting 3 days, Tiffany sent his man to inspect the
glass.? He refused to accept the #99R,
61L, 12R, 23RDD, 49, 49R, 135R; all too light, no color in it, but he selected
some of my cases instead.? I shall not
receive a definite answer before tomorrow, as today is Election Day.?[83]
??????????? In addition to demanding the biggest
discount, Tiffany was also, evidently, very slow in paying.? Perraud?s attitude toward this difficult
customer was typically businesslike.? In
another letter, written upon receiving a new shipment of glass, he noted; ?I
expect 2 customers tomorrow morning and, after the principal good paying
customers have inspected [the] glass, I?ll go and see Tiffany.?[84]
??????????? The early 1890?s were probably the
high point for artistic ?American? stained glass on the East Coast and the
demand for good-quality glass at the time was clearly greater than the
supply.? Perraud frequently reported
that Dannenhoffer and Heidt had no inventory or were swamped with orders.[85]? He too suffered from a chronic shortage of
inventory and had customers waiting in line for every new carload that
arrived.? In almost all of his letters
to Kokomo, he complained that his inadequate stock was hurting business, and
pleaded with them to send him more glass.?
To circumvent this shortage, Perraud tried to convince the customers to
order from sample, but they almost always declined.[86]? The New York studios were used to buying
glass on sight, and did not trust the Kokomo factory to send them acceptable
material.? That they had good cause to
be distrustful is reflected in Perraud?s letters.? He persistently reminded Kokomo that he wanted them to send him
more ?dark, dark, deep colors, not dark only on the surface, but in transparency;?[87]
and the factory kept giving him glass that was too light and weak to suit his
customers.? Interestingly, he suspected
that they might be making their glass to suit another market.? ?I know very well in the Western part, they
want only light colors, but they are altogether different in the East.?[88]
??????????? While this comparison was certainly
an oversimplification, it did have some basis in fact.? Stained glass west of the Appalachians was
primarily a derivative art, based loosely on the style developed by Tiffany and
LaFarge in New York, but lacking the artistic rigor that characterized the best
work on the East Coast.? It was a more
commercial industry, geared to a burgeoning population that was closer to its pioneer
roots and not as aesthetically sophisticated as its eastern counterparts.? As such, the customers were less demanding
and typically satisfied with pleasing decorative results rather than an
artistic statement.? Faced with this
type of clientele, the mid-western studios looked for consistency and
reliability in their glass more than intensity and complexity.
??????????? These requirements must have suited
the Opalescent Glass Works just fine.?
Dark, rich colors were difficult to produce.? The high colorant concentrations required for intense colors were
often tricky to keep in solution and sometimes altered the expansion
coefficients and thus the stability of the glass.[89]? In addition, intense colors posed
contamination problems when colors had to be changed in the pots, and often
necessitated several ?washes? of clear glass before the new color could be
introduced.? On the other hand, lower
colorant levels and more thorough mixing of the component glasses resulted in a
product that was more stable and consistent, and thus easier to produce.? Certainly, the economics of the situation
would explain Kokomo?s reluctance to produce the type of glass that Perraud
wanted.? Furthermore, if we consider the
large discounts and commissions they endured with their East Coast business, it
is easy to understand why they might have preferred to reserve the bulk of
their glass for distribution in the Midwest.
??????????? To add to Perraud?s troubles, the
spring of 1892 brought a familiar face back onto the scene.? Vital B鬡rd had made good on his threat and
started a new opalescent glass works at Marion, only twenty-five miles distant
from his former employer.? Immediately
after his ignominious departure from Kokomo, he succeeded in obtaining
financial backing from two Marion entrepreneurs, S.B. Purvis and E.A.
Moore.? B鬡rd was to be the
superintendent of the new enterprise, which was called the Marion Opalescent
Glass Co.[90]
Construction of the factory buildings was underway by October of 1891 and
finished in time for production to begin in February of the following year.[91]? Since the business was founded to take a bite
out of Kokomo?s lucrative market, they unabashedly copied the latter?s
production numbers and prices.? They
also aggressively pursued their customers.?
To compete with Peraud, they secured the services of Leo Popper & Sons,
an established glass distributor in New York, as their exclusive agent.? On May 7, Popper issued a press release
announcing the new company and extolling the expertise of Vital B鬡rd.[92]? B鬡rd?s reappearance must have been pure
irony for Perraud, who was having troubles with Kokomo.? In any event, Marion subsequently ran into
some sort of organizational problems and, by February of the following year,
Perraud was relieved to report that they were pulling out of the East Coast
market.[93]? Shortly thereafter, the Marion factory shut
down the furnaces, and Purvis and Moore sold their interest in the business to
other parties.[94]? Unfortunately for Perraud, before they did,
a deal was made with Popper to buy all of their remaining inventory.? In August of 1893, Popper put over 1000
cases of what Perraud ruefully described as ?beautiful glass? on the market in
New York.[95]? Assuming that this glass was purchased at
liquidation prices, it must have given Perraud good cause to worry.? At one point, Tiffany waved an order for two
hundred cases of Popper glass in front of his face, which prompted Perraud to
once again chide the factory;
??????????????? ?? It is certain without a doubt, had I a large stock
at present, I would have had the preference for that lot; so don?t delay to send
me a carload of the best you have on hand?very, very deep
colors?.All my customers demand rich, deep glass, and I?m
positive I have a 100 times more chance to sell to the trade than Leo Popper,
If I have the colors.?[96]
At this point, fate intervened for Perraud and three weeks
later he was able to report;
??????????????????????? ?Mr. Mitchell sent for me a
few days ago and told me that the firm of Tiffany Co. will hereafter stop
dealing with Leo Popper, the reason being that L. Popper was time and time
again bribing the buyer and selector of jewels, by giving him 5% on all
purchases of jewels, and finally Mr. Mitchell discovered this affair, and had
the buyer and selector make a full confession in black and white; so now Mr.
Mitchell is going to return the 200 cases of glass recently bought from
Popper.?[97]
In the fall of
1893, the Marion factory was purchased by three business men from Kokomo, C.B.
Brown (the Kokomo banker), M.W. Coate and William Ruddell!? As Receiver at Kokomo, Ruddell had
apparently been impressed with the moneymaking potential of this line of
business as well as with the skills of Vital B鬡rd.? The new owners retained B鬡rd as superintendent and allowed him
to keep his formulas to himself.? B鬡rd
made a big deal of the fact that he alone did the purchasing and mixing of the
chemicals, as if to underscore the value of the ?secrets? that Kokomo had so
foolishly discounted.? After
implementing some needed repairs, he had their seven-pot furnace back in
operation by the middle of November.[98]? The Marion factory ran continuously and
successfully for the next three years.?
B鬡rd died in early 1896, at which time his widowed daughter, Hedgwige
Henry, inherited control of the precious formulas.? Hedgwige took over her father?s job of superintending the making
of the glass at Marion, which prompted one trade publication to point out that
she was the only woman in America working in such a capacity.[99]
??????????? On July 24, 1896, a fire consumed
the warerooms of the Marion factory, totally destroying their inventory of
glass, which was valued at $15,000.[100]? This was too much for the Brown and Ruddell,
so in November they sold their shares in the business to Fred G. Seitz, an
entrepreneur involved in other glass interests.[101]? Seitz and Coate rebuilt the warehouse, added
improved sheet glass equipment and introduced machinery for the manufacture of
other types of glassware.[102]? Production was finally resumed in September
of 1897 with Hedgwige still in charge of the sheet glass division.[103]? Soon, however, the owners became discouraged
with the opalescent glass business, and for unknown reasons had to petition the
Court to go into receivership to rid themselves of some sort of commitment to
make opalescent glass.[104]? The Court so ordered in January of 1898,
after which Coate and Seitz quickly disposed of the rolling tables, specialized
raw materials and remaining stock of opalescent glass to the OGW at Kokomo for
$2900.[105]
??????????? Meanwhile
back in New York, Perraud died in early 1894, leaving the OGW without
representation there.? They continued to
make some sales directly to the East Coast studios, but soon formed
relationships with two established stained glass distributors, Theo W. Morris
and Paul Wissmach.[106]? Wissmach had been recommended by Perraud to
the Kokomo owners more than a year before, perhaps because he knew that, with
his health failing, they would soon need to replace him.[107]? Their business with both distributors grew
throughout the latter half of the 1890?s, with Wissmach gradually becoming the
dominant of the two.? They did no
business with Popper, probably because of his relationship with Marion.? Curiously, the Sales Journal indicates that,
by February of 1895, the OGW was no longer making direct shipment to the East
Coast studios.? Presumably, this
business was now being handled entirely by Morris and Wissmach, although their
combined volume did not approach the OGW?s sales there in the early ?90?s.? Certainly, a big part of this decline can be
attributed to the fact that Tiffany had established his own factory to
manufacture opalescent sheet glass at Corona, Long Island in 1893.
??????????? As early as 1890, the gas fields in
central Indiana began to show signs of petering out, and new wells constantly
had to be sunk in an attempt to keep up with consumer demand.[108]? Despite these efforts, the supply continued
to dwindle through the ?90?s, and many companies, including the OGW, were
forced to switch over to dirtier and more expensive fuels such as coal or fuel
oil.? New gas fields were discovered in
West Virginia in 1903, and in February, 1904 Francois visited Clarksburg with
an eye toward establishing a factory there.[109]? At a meeting of the Board of Directors on
April 4, 1904, he informed the owners of the OGW of his plans and offered to
include them in the new venture, provided that he was allowed to retain
controlling interest.? Being local men
with roots in Kokomo, they refused Francois? offer, and two days later he gave
notice of intent to sever his relationship with OGW ?as soon as the condition
of the work would be such that he could get away.?[110]
?Minutes for the Board meetings on the
following days reflect the concern that this announcement caused the owners of
the OGW, and serve to underscore the important role of Francois must have
played in the success of the company.?
An earlier article in the Dispatch had stated flatly that ?the credit
for the superior quality of American opal glass?. is due to Jerome M.
Francois.?[111]? In addition to owning stock in the company,
Francois had apparently been allowed to retain exclusive possession of the
glass formulas!? On May 9, the Board
made an offer to buy him out, which was accepted.? It is unclear whether or not relinquishment of the precious
formulas was a part of that offer.? In
any case, Francois? departure was at least gracious, for he left his brother, Emil,
behind to act as the OGW ?mixer? until they could make other arrangements.[112]
??????????? Even before the Board accepted his
resignation, Francois returned to Clarksburg to secure property (in donation!)[113]
and to arrange for the building of his factory.[114]? Construction was begun in mid-May[115]
and ?completed and in shape for work by Oct. 1.?? The business, called the Clarksburg Opalescent Glass Co., was
solely owned and managed by Francois, but the office was run by Earl Spraker,
who had come with him from the OGW.[116]? This company prospered under Francois?
capable guidance and offered serious competition to Kokomo until his death in
1916.? During his career in Clarksburg,
he emerged as one of that city?s most prominent businessmen, serving also as
president of the local Coal Company and stockholder in several other
businesses.[117]
??????????? After Francois left, the Board at
Kokomo hired Adolf Bournique as the new superintendent of the OGW.? Bournique was born in Baccarat, France in
1863, and emigrated to America with his parents in 1874.? His father, Joseph, became one of the
pioneer manufacturers of opalescent sheet glass when he established a factory
on Johnson Av. in Brooklyn in 1881.[118]? As a young man, Adolf worked in that factory
with his father, learning the art of making colored opalescent glass.? Despite Bournique?s boast that he supplied
glass to prominent stained glass artists like John LaFarge, the factory closed
after a year or two because ?the demand for [opalescent] glass was very limited
in those days?.[119]? After leaving Brooklyn, Adolf ?erected and
managed factories for many purposes, including the manufacture of optical
glass, bottles, colored lantern glass, electric bulbs, and shades and globes of
all kinds.?[120]? Since his obituary states that he came to
work for the OGW in 1903, it is likely that he worked under Francois for a time
before becoming superintendent.[121]
??????????? In addition to Marion and
Clarksburg, the OGW engendered one other competitor, this time right in their
own backyard.? The Russell Glass Co. was
started in Kokomo in 1903 by two local men, W.A. Russell and Elsberry E
Springer, who must have been lured by the success of the OGW.? They erected a factory with an eight-pot
furnace, and employed about 20 men manufacturing cathedral and opalescent glass
in direct competition with the OGW.[122]? By 1907 this factory had closed (for reasons
unknown), and the property was taken over in May of that year by Adolf
Bournique (the OGW superintendent!) and two other ?Kokomo capitalists,? William
J. Berry and James A. Wells.? The Bournique
Glass Co. initially announced plans to ?engage in the general glass
manufacturing trade,? perhaps to mollify the owners of the OGW over his
departure.[123]? Regardless, the factory was soon
manufacturing the same product line, and proved to be a serious competitor for
many years.? Bournique died in 1913,
after which his widow took over the running of the business for another
thirteen years.? She finally sold her
interest in September of 1926, and the new owners discontinued the manufacture
of stained glass shortly thereafter.
??????????? The departure of Bournique after
only three years must have left the owners of the Opalescent Glass Works
feeling somewhat jinxed.? All three
superintendent/managers, with whom they had entrusted their formulas and the
?destiny of their company,? had left them to become competitors.? It is not surprising that their next choice
should be someone they were sure they could trust.? J.W. Learner had apparently learned something of the chemistry
and mixing of the colors during his sixteen years as an owner of the company,
and he took over the responsibility in 1907.?
He was soon joined by Kent Blacklidge, Williams? son, who had just
graduated from Purdue.? Together they
alone performed this critical job for the next 30 years, and, in fact with one
exception, only other family members have succeeded them down to the present
day.
??????????? Meanwhile back in Clarksburg, Jerome
Francois died in April, 1916,[124]
leaving the glass business to his two sons, Emil J. and John C., along with
Earl Spraker, who had married his daughter.[125]? Apparently, the heirs soon tired of running
a glass business, because, on Nov. 12, 1917,[126]
they sold out to the Kokomo Opalescent Glass Co.[127]? Kokomo sent Donald F. Elliott[128]
to manage and Harry Wright[129]
to superintend the new acquisition, which was renamed the Kokomo Opalescent
Glass Co.[130]? This factory continued producing stained
glass for about another four years until it was closed down by the general
decrease in demand that occurred after the War.? On April 10, 1923, KOGC sold the property and buildings in
Clarksburg to the Hart Bros. Machine Co. for $25,000.00.
?
[1]. The first
reference that could be found to Henry appears in the 1886 NYC Directory where
he is listed under: ?HENRY, C. EDWARD, glass, 35 W 3rd, h. New
Rochelle, N.Y.?.
[2] . From
information on the ?Statement Alleging insanity? for Henry, filled out and
signed by Vital B鬡rd, and dated Apr. 25, 1890.? Records of the Central State Hospital, Indiana State Archives.? Therein B鬡rd states he has known Henry for
seven years.
[3] . The 1887-8
Directory listed him as: ?C.E. Henry Art Glass Works, Harrison nr. Hugenot, New
Rochelle?.
[4] .Company
archives at KOGC include more than fifty letters written by Perraud during the
period between July, 1891 and January, 1894.?
The envelopes that accompanied many of these letters bear a printed
return address ?J.B. Perraud, Glass Manufacturer, specialty for silk factories,
Office, 35 W. Third St., N.Y., Factory, New Rochelle, N.Y.?, with the address
crossed-out by hand.? This is the same
business address listed for Henry in 1886!
[5] . A note in
the trade newspaper ?Commoner & Glassworker?, dated May 19, 1888 states:
?The C.E. Henry Art Glass Works of New Rochelle, NY, manufacturing stained
glass of all descriptions, will be moved to Kokomo, Indiana.?.
[6] . Kokomo
Gazette Tribune (KGT), April 30, 1888, page 2, ?Glass Works Number Five?.
[7] . Henry was
granted Lot D of Hamlin?s Highland Edition for $1.00, as recorded Dec. 6, 1889
in the Records of Howard County, Bk. 67, Pg. 222.? The original agreement, although lost, evidently stipulated that
the business must run successfully for 5 years before the deed was
granted.? Henry, however, ran into financial
difficulty in ?89 and succeeded in having the deed signed over prematurely in
order to obtain a business loan.
[8] . Per a deed
recorded May 7, 1890 in the Records of Howard County, Bk. 67, Pg. 555.
[9] . KGT, June
14, 1888, page , ?The Art Glass Works?.
[10] . Kokomo
Dispatch (KD), Aug. 29, 1889, page 4.?
These were 500 lb. pots.
[11] . KGT, Oct.
15, 1888, page 3, ?Opalescent Glass and the Knife and Shear Works?.
[12] .? KGT, Nov. 13, 1888, page 2
[13] . KGT, Aug.
15, 1888, page 4
[14]. Leo Popper
& Sons, in an Announcement promoting B鬡rd?s glass, dated May 7, 1892.
[15]. According
to his listing in the 1882-3 Brooklyn City Directory.? B鬡rd first appears in the 1879-80 Directory, working with
Dobelman Mfg. Co., glass factory.? He
also later appears in the 1884 and 5 NYC Directories as working at an
unspecified occupation in ?glass?.
[16]. The
Crockery & Glass Journal, Oct.5, 1882, page 28, reported that Dannenhoffer,
immediately after opening his business, began producing glass rods for buttons
in a ?great variety of colors?, even while his line of sheet glass was still
being developed.? This raises the strong
possibility that he inherited this product line from B鬡rd, who helped out in
the beginning and later became involved in this same business with Henry and
Perraud.
[17]. KGT, Oct.
8, 1889, page 2, ?Kokomo Scoops the World?.
[18]. Opcit,
KGT, Nov. 13, 1888.
[19]. Opcit,
KGT, Oct. 8, 1889.
[20]. According
to a General Ledger in the archives of KOGC, this contract remained a
significant part of the company?s business throughout the early ?90?s.
[21]. Page,
Harding?s cathedral factory in Bedrkshire, MA, the first stained glass
manufacturer in the United States, had closed in 1886.
[22]. Because
opalescent glass was usually mixed with a cathedral glass color, all of the
opalescent manufacturers also made pure cathedral glass sheets to some
extent.? Especially after the turn of
the century when the Gothic style of stained glass reasserted itself, the more
commercial enterprises always offered extensive lines of both cathedral and
opalescent glasses.
[23]. The
obituary of Adolphe Bournique in the Ornamental Glass Bulletin, Aug. 1913, p.
8, states that he also started a factory in Brooklyn in 1881, but soon closed
it because ?the demand for the glass was very limited in those days.?
[24]. Peltier
also started in 1888 in Ottawa, IL, but, at first, made only pressed glass novelties.? He did not begin making opalescent sheet
glass until about 1890.
[25]. The Early
Journal identifies 20 of these combinations, which, for those numbers that are
still made, are identical to KOGC?s colors today.
[26]. KGT, Jan.
26, 1889, page 4.
[27]. KGT, June
15, 1889, page 3, listed the ?Art Glass Works? as employing 50 workers with a
capital of $3000.
[28]. KGT, June
18, 1889, page 4. Also KD, July 18, 1889, page 4 under ?Industrial Notes?.
[29]. KGT, Jan.
28, 1890, page 3, wherein Perraud?s relationship is mentioned.
[30]. Pricing
and commission information has been glened from Perraud?s letters, which
actually don?t begin until a couple of years later.? However, given the circumstances that occurred in the iterim, it
is unlikely that much had changed.
[31]. Marion
Daily Chronicle, Oct. 10, 1889, page 3, ?Kokomo at the Paris Expostion.?
[32]. KD, Aug.
8, 1889, page 1, ?Kokomo at Paris?.
[33]. KD, July
18, 1889, page 4, under ?Industrial Notes?.
[34]. Louis
Heidt of Brooklyn also won a Gold Medal for his opalescent sheet glass.
[35]. Opcit, KD,
Aug. 8, 1889.
[36]. KD, Aug.
29, 1889, page 4.
[37]. The only
actual documented sales to Europe during this period were several cases to
Oudinot, beginning in September, 1889, which were sold by Perraud in New York.
[38]. Opcit,
KGT, Oct. 8, 1889.
[39]. Per a
decision relating to Case #9433 (Wm. B. Morgan vs. C. Edward Henry), recorded
July 15, 1891in Howard County Court Records, Bk.39/pgs.519-526.
[40]. Per an
Affidavit filed by C.B. Brown on behalf of the Citizens National Bank of
Kokomo, contained in the Packet for Case#9435 in the Archive of the Howard
County Court.
[41]. Ibid. Also
see footnote 6.? As a prerequisite to
having the property prematurely deeded to him, Henry was required to sign an
agreement quitclaiming the land back to the original owner, if the business
failed before 1893.
[42]. Original
mechanic?s Lien contained in Packet for Case #9435.
[43]. Per a Deed
recorded May 14, 1890 in Bk.67/pg.576, Records of Howard County.
[44]. KD, Feb.
6, 1890, page 1, ?Cupid?s Capers?; also KGT, Feb.3, 1890, page 2, ?Married?.
[45]. National
Glass Budget (NGB), Apr. 6, 1897, page 3, gives Hedgwige?s age as ?about 30?,
which would have made her only 23 in 1890.?
Henry was 44.? That they were
somewhat embarrassed by this age discrepancy is suggested by the fact that they
both declined to give their birthdates on the Marriage License application,
despite its requirement.
[46]. KGT, Jan.
28, 1890, page 3.
[47]. Opcit, KD,
Feb. 3, 1890.
[48].? Opcit, ?Statement Alleging Insanity?, Apr.
25, 1890.
[49]. KGT,
Jan.8, 1889, page 3.
[50]. Per an
order recorded Mar. 11, 1890 in Howard County Court Records, Bk.37/pg.44-5.
[51]. A Report
to the Court by Ruddell on the status of the business after almost 10 months in
receivership, dated Jan. 5, 1891.? This
document is included in the aforenoted Packet for Case #9435.
[52]. Opcit,
?Statement Alleging Insanity?, Apr. 35, 1890, wherein B鬡rd names Perraud s
the person who knew Henry most intimately.
[53]. KD, July
11, 1889, page 2.? See also articles
under Footnote #43.
[54]. KD, July
16, 1891, page 2, ?The Glass Works to be Sold?.
[55]. KGT, March
12, 1890, page 3.
[56]. KGT, April
21, 1890, Page 3.
[57]. KD, Apr.
24, 1890, page 1, ?Like Harsh Bells Jangled?.
[58]. KGT, Apr.
25, 1890, page 2, ?Undoubtedly Insane?.
[59]. KGT, Apr.
28, 1890, page 2, ?Off to the Asylum?.
[60]. According
to the aforenoted Records of the Central State Hospital, henry died of ?general
paralysis? on March 14, 1892.
[61]. Opcit,
Judgement recorded July 16, 1891.
[62]. Opcit,
Ruddell Report of Jan. 15, 1891.
[63]. KD, July
17, 1890, page 1 under ?Industrial Notes?.
[64]. It is not
known exactly when Ruddell hired Francois.?
However, an article in ?China, Glass & Lamps?, dated Dec. 24, 1890,
erroneously names Francois as the receiver of the OGW, so he must have been
working there by that date.
[65]. The 1878-9
Brooklyn City Directory lists Francois? occupation as ?glass packer?.
[66]. According
to Francois? obituary, printed in ?The Clarksburg Daily Telegram? {West
Virginia}, Apr. 5, 1916.
[67]. KOGS
histories recall that Francois came from the Chicago area and, acknowledging
the four year gap between the time he left Hibbler and began at Kokomo, it is
possible that he gained some pertinent experience in that interim.? However, no information on his activities
during this period has come to light to confirm the Kokomo story.
[68] KD, Sept.
3, 1891, page 3, ?To Start the Factory?.
[69].
Opcit.? Ruddell Report of Jan. 15, 1891.
[70]. Perraud
Letters, letter dated June 21, 1891.
[71]. For
instance, Dannenhoffer started out in 1882 with a sheet size of only 12? x
24?.?
[72]. Per an
order recorded June 2, 1891 in Howard County Court Records, Bk.39/pg.302.
[73]. Opcit, KD,
July 16, 1891; also Court Order of July 15, 1891.
[74]. Per an
order recorded Nov. 11, 1891 in Howard County Court Records, Bk.40/pg.274.
[75]. Opcit, KD,
Sept. 3, 1891.
[76]. KD, Sept.
3, 1891, page 2, ?Opalescent Glass Making?.
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